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Hearing on Freedom of Expression in Vietnam
Statement of Bao Ky N. Vu
Secretary, Vietnamese-American Public Affairs Committee (VPAC)
Congressional Human Rights Caucus &
Congressional Dialogue on Vietnam
Members' Briefing
July 23, 2002
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Dear Madame Chairwoman and Members of the Caucus,
I am grateful for the opportunity to participate alongside distinguished human rights advocates and to offer my views on a matter of deep interest to us all. The Vietnamese-American Public Affairs Committee (VPAC) is a national grassroots organization of Vietnamese-American voters. Today, along with various Vietnamese-American organizations, I?Äôve been asked to extend our sincere appreciation for your leadership on the Vietnam Human Rights Act (H.R. 2833). Your constant commitment serves as moral support for those advocating for basic human rights and greater openness in Vietnam. H.R. 2833 symbolizes recognition that human rights mechanisms are required for deepening the people to people relations between America and Vietnam and, ultimately, facilitating Vietnam?Äôs progress in the world arena.
Today, my colleagues will report specifically on the Hanoi regime?Äôs crackdown on freedom of expression. I would like to give the Caucus a glimpse of the Vietnamese-American community?Äôs perspective on the political repression in Vietnam and our continued role, whether as legislators, business owners or private citizens, in bettering the lives of the 80 million Vietnamese living under communist rule. Furthermore, I?Äôd like to highlight our belief that economic progress and political development do go hand in hand and that the Vietnamese government?Äôs repression of peaceful dissent is symptomatic of a regime which does not respect international norms.
As Vietnamese-Americans, we are uniquely positioned to bring about positive change to the country of Vietnam, a land rich in culture and spirit, yet poor in freedom and opportunity. We have great pride in the industriousness of the people and want to see our native country prosperous and successful.
However, our ability to assist in the development of Vietnam is hindered by a political system that stifles individual creativity and freedom. Contrary to the position of the Hanoi regime, the issue of human rights?Äîespecially freedom of expression?Äîis neither a frivolous Western concept nor something that Westerners invent for others. Rather, they are basic rights that Vietnamese themselves desire and of which many are courageously demanding. The Vietnamese government?Äôs suppression of freedom of expression, therefore, is what is alien to Vietnamese values.
But the ongoing repression should not be something of concern only to the Vietnamese-American community or advocates for human rights. How can we expect the Vietnamese government to honor its end of the Bilateral Trade Agreement when it makes a mockery of its commitments under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights? Or how can the Vietnamese government be serious about tackling corruption when it persecutes citizens like Pham Que Duong and Tran Khue who tried to form a Citizens?Äô Association to Combat Corruption? Furthermore, how can corruption or transparency ever be addressed when there are no independent newspapers or government accountability?
In my day job as an investment analyst, one of the key lessons I learned from the Asian financial crisis of the 1990s was the crucial role of governance and transparency in economic development. Vietnam?Äôs political system today is more closed than the one party rule under Indonesia?Äôs Suharto; its so-called market economy with socialist characteristics nourishes crony capitalism more so than ever existed in Thailand; and its lumbering state-owned enterprises are woefully more inefficient, operating on an even more uneven playing field than the worst Chaebols of South Korea. Indonesia, Thailand, and South Korea recovered from the worst effects of the economic crisis because these countries mustered the political reforms that permitted economic reforms. Thus, in order for Vietnam to offer an attractive long-term economic environment, there must be fundamental political reform.
It is often said that Vietnam is a youthful country whose future is in the hands of the generation not burdened by the War. This is absolutely true. And so it is an outrage that the Communist authorities have in recent months repressed the most dynamic voices of Vietnam?Äôs future:
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In February 2002, authorities arrested attorney Le Chi Quang, 31-years old, at an Internet Caf?©. He had written an essay warning of territorial concessions to China outlined in border treaties which the Vietnamese government still hides from the people. He is currently held at prison camp B14 in Ha Dong province in northern Vietnam.
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In March, authorities arrested Dr. Pham Hong Son, 32-years old, after he translated and published on the Internet an article entitled ?ÄúWhat is Democracy,?Äù which had appeared on the U.S. Embassy?Äôs website. He is currently detained without trial.
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And this past weekend, authorities detained journalist Nguyen Vu Binh, 33-years old, after he submitted written testimony for today?Äôs briefing on freedom of expression. He is currently being held incommunicado.
One of the Vietnamese intellectuals known for speaking his mind, professor of mathematics Phan Dinh Dieu, recently observed:
?ÄúOnly people who are constantly prodded by a passion to seek new ideas and explanations and who live in a social environment that encourages idea exchanges, discussions or ?Äòwisdom clashes?Äô can develop new aspirations and ideas which trigger special knowledge creativity?ĶI think the ability of our younger generation to acquire knowledge is no worse than in other countries, but the fact is we are often weak in creativity. We need an environment that encourages creative aspirations and independent thinking to sustain creativity.?Äù
With that observation, I would like to conclude by reiterating the important contribution the Congressional Human Rights Caucus can make for political and economic progress in Vietnam. Please continue to visit Vietnam, as well as encourage other MOCs to visit. Your efforts on behalf of the many voices of conscience will offer them safety and moral encouragement. For example, Congresswoman Sanchez?Äôs 2000 visit with four democracy activists, professor Nguyen Thanh Giang, general Tran Do, historian Pham Que Duong and Mr. Hoang Minh Chinh did much to save them from harsher harassment and persecution.
You should also insist on reciprocity in the bi-lateral relationship. Vietnamese nationals and government officials in the US can go anywhere in this country, meet with any person, and attend any place of worship. It is an outrage that Americans in Vietnam, from embassy officials to NGOs, face restrictions on where they may go, who they may see, and what they may say. And finally, it is imperative that the Vietnam Human Rights Act is ultimately passed by both Houses of Congress and signed into law. In the long-run, a sound U.S. policy built with mechanisms that promote human rights and the rule of law will be mutually beneficial to stakeholders on both sides of the Pacific, whether you?Äôre an American corporation or a Vietnamese writer.
Thank you for the opportunity to testify today. |